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Title: Structure of Ndrangheta
Description: Report on Ndrangheta


Uomo d'onore - March 18, 2008 09:58 PM (GMT)
Been trying to do research on the Ndrangheta

Can not find information on the structure of the Ndrangheta unless I am looking in the wrong areas.

I know that a Ndrine is a clan and that if the amount of members is higher than 75 inducted members it represents a local, and that they have a horizontal structure unlike their cousin to the west who uses a pyramid structure.

Can someone help me with this and explain to me or show a link where I can obtain the correct information.

Thank you

Basically looking for what makes a ndrine
what makes a local
and what is the organizational structure of a clan

Uomo d'onore - March 19, 2008 04:59 AM (GMT)
Can someone help me with information on the structure of a Ndrine
I know that the calabrians have a hierarchal structure that is horizontal. I have been looking for sometime now and have only found one place that might be correct with its information - but having no luck any where else I have no means of checking if it is correct information.

This is the info I have found if someone can verify this for me it would be appreciated. This was obtained from http://www.calshop.biz/ndrangheta.html the site is in Italian so I had to use google to translate it in to English

Capo Local
Capo Societa
Mastro di buon ordine
Contabile
Mastro di giornata
Vangelista
Santista
'ndranghetisti of sgarro
’ngranghetisti semplici
capo giovane
puntaiolo
picciotto di giornata
picciotti di sgarro
picciotti lisci
giovane d'onore

Laurentian - March 20, 2008 01:04 PM (GMT)
This is rather a complex question. The best source of information I can provide to you is to read this book:

By Letizia Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods. Organized Crime, Italian Style. Oxford University Press, New York, 2003.

In her book, the author explains at lenght the structure and working relationships of the 'Ndrangheta and makes comparisons with the Cosa Nostra's structure. In my opinion, this book is one of best I have ever read.

Uomo d'onore - March 20, 2008 02:37 PM (GMT)
thank you - i will have to find the book and give it a read

Uomo d'onore - March 22, 2008 04:34 PM (GMT)
Mafia presence and reuse goods confiscated plain joy tauro

Introduction
The experience of recent years has shown that, unless laudable exceptions, even in the presence of good ideas about the re-use of confiscated property, the lack of a well-calibrated planning and improvised not prevent the community can benefit from the property in question.
In a situation like this, the draft Freedom Land (also experienced in Calabria after the positive experience Sicilian) truly believe is a novelty in the method of management of confiscated property. Since it is a method that combines the strong symbolic (the Mafia returns maltolto reads as a happy slogan) a concrete goal: the creation of new employment opportunities through a cooperative social type B in agricultural character.

One of the strengths of this method is based on the belief that, at its birth, the cooperative has already entered into a territorial network, built by Freedom previously through a series of animation. The same cooperative, moreover, aims to encourage new patterns of cooperation ethics, in order to involve the largest number of players economic, social and cultural work daily reality in local and / or national.
Much of this system of consensus is built during the monitoring of the territory, which are being applied in some search tools, specifically designed to facilitate the management of projects which aim to best possible use of confiscated property to mafias.

The commitment of Freedom for the realization of Calabrian begins in November of 2002, thanks to the national project Free - Legacoop for the study of agricultural land confiscated by calling into production. The technicians of Freedom - Legacoop carry out inspections at that time on land confiscated, accompanied by staff of the High Commissioner for Administration and destination of the goods confiscated at criminal organizations. The survey reveals the first project. In December 2002, in an invitation to finance the work of social promotion associations (Law 383/2000), Freedom presented to the Ministry of Labour a project aimed at re-use of confiscated property (especially land) in the province of Reggio Calabria. The project was considered by the Committee assessor of the most deserving and is, therefore, approved and funded.

One of the first phases of a project has been conducting a search, centered on the Plains of Gioia Tauro, in order to provide a socio-economic profile of the area and better understand the presence of confiscated property. This phase has seen the involvement of students of the socio-psycho-pedagocico "G. Rechichi "Polistena involved in the administration of questionnaires to a large heterogeneous sample of the population of Plains.
The search, which ended in April, took the form of a robust report of about two hundred pages, accompanied by numerous charts and tables: a rich enough in the economic and socio-cultural cohesion of the Plains, built by objective data ( statistics, census, etc.). data and subjective. They were collected by conducting interviews with persons of different professions.

The research also recounts the events relating to the birth and development of the 'ndrangheta in the Plains and provides a detailed analysis of quantitative and qualitative, confiscated Mafia assets in the Plains of Gioia Tauro. These last two parts, magazines and upgraded, are presented in this volume that would be a "flexible" vehicle information on the forms of power and the Calabrian mafia as a tool to raise awareness of the territory on strategies dell'antimafia, first of all, ' 109/96 law enforcement.

The need to publish it stems from a perception of risk: addiction, from citizens, pressure Crime Organised. This attitude can lead to a desertion from political and pedagogical by many. E 'for this reason that the fight against Mafia plays a strategic role any intervention aimed at promoting community understanding of the phenomenon Mafia, especially in its social and cultural backgrounds in order to find and support all together methods and strategies for liberation. We believe that the scheme of analysis contained in this book can be a model of "reading" can also be used in other regional contexts. A model to be used for an effective planning and adhering fully to the needs of the community to which the goods are returned.
This paper is divided into three sections. The first section opens with a brief historical reconstruction of Mafia presence in the Plains of Gioia Tauro1, followed by a detailed analysis of the situation of property confiscated in the same area (with data updated to December 2003). Chiudono this first few reflections on the weight of the 'ndrangheta in space. Reflections stimulated by a series of interviews and questionnaires (the results of the latter are in the second section) addressed to a group of persons who, because of their experience and their work, are a privileged observatory problems Plains of Gioia Tauro.

The second section provides, in relation to the themes of the presence mafia and property confiscated, a study intended to better grasp some dynamics. Ripercorse three events are emblematic highlighting ways and forms of action Mafia: the story of infiltration in the port of Gioia Tauro, that the "expropriation" of violent land baron Cordopatri, and finally the "turbulent" restitution, the local community , a good symbol of power confiscated Mafia (Euromotel of Gioia Tauro). Closes this section, as I said, a comment of the results of the questionnaire offered to respondents.

The third section, with the aid of charts and tables, complete the analytical framework of the first two sections. In addition offers the reader a concise description of the Calabrian Mafia (Notes on 'ndrangheta) explanation of the origins, structure, mode of action and the territories of "intervention". Finally, the proposal is a bibliographic note for those who wish to address the issues in volume.








FIRST SECTION

MAFIOSA IN THE PRESENCE OF PIANA GIOIA TAURO

The first decades

The Plains of Gioia Tauro is certainly one of the areas that saw the birth and development of the 'Ndrangheta. In this area there has been, at least since the second half of a considerable presence of assiduous and consorterie mafia. Judgments of the Courts and the pleadings are faithful witness.

As early as 1888 ends the barrier "a true and effective organization" which, according to the judges, had formed the previous year as the Association of picciotti; on that occasion are tried by the Court of Palmi 24 defendants.

In 1890 well 66 defendants from district Palmi are taken in court on charges of belonging to a "sect camorristi". In 1897 ends in court the 'Ndrangheta of Palmi which is also seized a statute containing the rules for admission to picciotteria2.

Truly impressive number of defendants in a trial of 1899: Well 317 (a real maxi-trial), all coming from the district of Palmi, in particular in Cittanova Radicena (now fraction Taurianova). In fact, municipalities concerned were many more: Iatrinoli, Messignardi, Oppido M., Gioia Tauro, Molochio, Varapodio, Newfoundland. The accusation was to be part of a conspiracy to murder that took target the property of others. "

Those mentioned above are just a few of the many processes that saw at the bar 'ndrine Plain. A sequence that will continue even in the early decades of the'900.
The fascist period does not change the situation much. Indeed, "he banned political parties and trade unions had the effect of revitalising the 'Ndrangheta. The 'Ndranghetisti is presented as the only ones who, as part of an organization fully operational although not officially, publicly, they were able to resolve some issues… "3.

The war

The'50s saw the cosche Plain reaffirm their control, almost absolute, on land and on the resulting products.
The farmers markets of the most important Piana are under the influence of the main Mafia families, with a logic parasitic control the price of products, demand bribes, accaparrano a substantial slice of subsidies and aid received by the producers of oil. Qualifying in the latter activities will be "Mammoliti and Rugolo of Castellace, which, in any season oil (Once implanted with illegal profits imposing oil mills), incettano a vile price of the product olive groves or, in case of refusal, ' discourage 'any other aspirant from the buyer to enter into a deal with the victims' 4

This strong bond with the land will continue even during the years subsequent to it alongside other activities that enable cosche to achieve a considerable development, especially from the point of life in revenues.

The beginning of change

Those are the years'60 years who see the beginning of "great transformation".
Cigarette smuggling and drug trafficking give new life to consorterie mafia, as well as the decision by the state to complete in the second half of the decade, Salerno - Reggio Calabria. Then begins to take shape this perverse mechanism that will see the big companies in the north undergo "prior to the game of the mafia" to use a definition of Judge Agostino Cordova. This mechanism will refine during the years successivo5.
Meanwhile in the Plains dominates the undisputed boss of Gioia Tauro Mommo Piromalli, along with Domenico Tripodo (Reggio C.) and Antonio Macrì (Jonica), form the powerful triad in the province of Reggio Calabria. They are in fact the most influential capibastone the 'Ndrangheta reggina.

The late'60s marked another noteworthy fact: "the entry of Family Mammoliti Mafia summit in the province reggina" and its placement to "right of Piromalli, said Jerome brothers' Mommo 'and Joseph said' wrong mussu ' "6. Determining factor for this purpose is the exit from prison of Antonino Mammoliti (Vincenzo's brother, Salvatore and Saro) in 1968. Antonino Mammoliti was detained for having killed a member of the Barbaro family, which cosca against Mammoliti to that of Castellace (Oppido Mamertina). Before this event the Mammoliti were known, according to statements by repentant James Lauro, only to village level.

As I said, the transformation began in the'60s and it will define in the'70s, a period crucial for the history of the 'Ndrangheta.
In the years between these two decades "Agriculture continued to be the headquarters of the election of cosche. Especially being targeted was the forestry sector […] sector that will show the presence of permeable 'ndrine particularly questionable "7. In addition, cosche intervened heavily in the labour market who worked in the fields (this was in many cases female). This phenomenon caporalato, run by the 'Ndrangheta, was particularly developed in the Plains of Tauro8 Gioia (besides the Vibonese and Lamentino).

At the same time that we see the story of the family Cordopatri, whose lands suffer the same fate touched those of other landowners, that is the subject of mire become increasingly insistent, cosche mafiose9. This showed the change in relationship with the land by the 'Ndranghetisti. "The most beautiful names of the Calabrian Mafia: Mammoliti of Castellane, Rugolo of Oppido, Alvaro San Procopio, Cianci of Taurianova are the new big, modern, landowners quickly become masters of hundreds of hectares" 10. Of course it was a forced expropriation of land. In short, "without a property title.


The seventies and the end of the great transformation

The Plains of Gioia Tauro is concentrated around the middle of the decade, a considerable mass of public funds, related primarily to attempt to industrialize the area (original in the sense that the story of the fifth Center iron and steel). An opportunity that cosche Plain, and in particular the Group of Piromalli, will not sfuggire11. The failure of the fifth Center iron and steel mortificherà then the hopes of those who, in the Plains of Gioia Tauro, thought that that choice represents the right way forward for the development of the area.
The years in question saw also in the Plains but not limited to, an increasingly strong interrelationship between the Mafia and politics. A truth that, which of course was denied by the most up to the limits of decency: "I know nothing - said Vincent Gentile mayor of Gioia Tauro - about the presence of Mafia in the work of earthwork for the fifth Center iron and steel." Hello, GP of Piromalli, will be killed on 7 May 1987.

But the'70s are also the years an important decision for the 'Ndrangheta: the establishment of a close relationship with Freemasonry diverted.
Again, the charismatic figure of Mommo Piromalli weigh on the choices made. Of the three patriarchs above, it was he who, according to a statement from the employee of Justice Gaetano Costa, to impose a higher authority, "fregiò the degree of santista that, in its submission, it had been given directly to Toronto, where there a very important 'ndrina. […] Because Mommo Piromalli was known mason, or very close to the sphere of Freemasonry, and qualify for further differentiate the companies' Holy 'from those minors, introduced himself, or did know, the rule that every member of the companies' Santa 'could become part of Freemasonry. "
The other two patriarchs, Tripodo and Macrì, reluctant to make such changes, leaving the scene with death by paying their unsuitability

But the'70s are also the years an important decision for the 'Ndrangheta: the establishment of a close relationship with Freemasonry diverted.
Again, the charismatic figure of Mommo Piromalli weigh on the choices made. Of the three patriarchs above, it was he who, according to a statement from the employee of Justice Gaetano Costa, to impose a higher authority, "fregiò the degree of santista that, in its submission, it had been given directly to Toronto, where there a very important 'ndrina. […] Because Mommo Piromalli was known mason, or very close to the sphere of Freemasonry, and qualify for further differentiate the companies' Holy 'from those minors, introduced himself, or did know, the rule that every member of the companies' Santa 'could become part of Freemasonry. "

The other two patriarchs, Tripodo and Macrì, reluctant to make such changes, leaving the scene with death by paying their unsuitability The new phase. The 70s then ending with profound changes within the 'Ndrangheta.
Investigations of the eighties
The'80s reproduce in some ways mechanisms already tested by the 'Ndrangheta in the two previous decades.
Once the appetite of cosche Plain focuses on procurement this time is to build a mega-coal-fired dell'ENEL. A decision which naturally aroused controversy and heated discussions and saw the strong opposition of environmental groups (and others), anxious to preserve one of the most beautiful areas of Calabria.

But regardless of the political divisions here, we should underline the interest of the 'Ndrangheta to Central. On that occasion, our first body of State declared unacceptable low offers made by companies behind which lurk the Piromalli sending to vacate the first auction, then called another which ended up accepting the prices of Mafiosi. An affair that saw companies together mafia mafia and not to manage procurement in the silence of the institutions dell'ENEL. To shed light on the facts we think Agostino Cordova, Procurator of Palmi, ordering the seizure of yards (1990) 12.

Its central ENEL is only one of many events in the years between the'80 and'90 saw the protagonists consorterie mafia Plain. The survey of judges of Palmi, the first among all the aforementioned Agostino Cordova, did emerge a devastating reality in which every sector of economic, political and social was controlled, directly or indirectly, from cosche. Think processes arising from investigations on the management of USL of Gioia Tauro, the story of the dam on Metramo, a "monument to the thirst of the South", a thirty-year history with an increase which saw its original cost so stratospheric. Even in the latter case, the mafia families not stettero the window but tried to infiltrate in appalti13. And yet the investigation that aroused considerable controversy on "mafia and political" as it was then defined by journalists. An investigation that affected the fish cosca Rosarno and contacts between representatives Cosca with this very political in view of PSI14. Still Cordova brought to light links and patterns between cosche mafia and loggias of Freemasonry diverted.
The last decade: the return port

The 90s are recent history, a history marked by events especially the port of Gioia Tauro15, new act of that old plan of strategic development of the area, but this time at the hands of a private contractor, which identifies the Plains of Gioia Tauro which place 'ideal' for the creation of productive investment.

The Faide

Some deserves a brief reflection of the most dramatic presence of the Mafia: feuds. It must be said that currently exists a situation of 'peace' between the cosche [Map 1]. The situation which applies more generally for the entire province reggina. But the feud episodes occurred in the past were numerous and particularly violence. Vicende where to dominate was the law of revenge and hatred. Even the most powerful Mafia families have had their problems in having to reject attempts to cosche those who tried to get off the crime scene. I Carlino, considered responsible for the death of Antonio Piromalli, brother of Don Mommo, suffered merciless retaliation of the powerful family of Gioia Tauro. In the town in Rizziconi the group of Piromalli, "armed with mitre and repeating rifles, assaltò Carlino of homes with the intent to exterminate them." In the late'50s the Carlino were forced to leave Rizziconi escorted by the military for an unknown destination. Thus the Piromalli could sway quietly in the early'60s Corsican until 1972/73 supported in a new conflict with the group headed by Martin Raso. Again Piromalli had the better. Same thing happened to the death of Don Mommo, in 1979, when Tripodi thought to be able to seize advantage of illegal activities. The war ended with the killing, in Cuneo, Joseph Tripodi16. Others have lived in Piana wars between families of unprecedented violence. The feud of Cittanova what is perhaps most of all has left the sign of Mafia violence, with its approximately one hundred deaths. A feud that has been through the decades and which saw the Facchineri opposed to Raso-Albanse. Other feuds were of particular ferocity, just to name a few, that of Laureana di Borrello between Chindamo and Cutellè; those Seminara and Oppido Mamertina; to Taurianova between Viola-Avignon-Zagari and Dry-Blacks-Grimaldi17; that Palmi which saw opposed to the Condello Gallico with about 60 deaths. And in the request for preventive custody for this feud (17 March 1990) describes the new character of feuds: "Instauratasi rivalry, of course are the target the heads […] comes the need for organization in groups, so ensure the greatest possible protection to the most vulnerable. This translates into their voluntary absconding […] because, if you could count in the traditional silence to escape easily to law enforcement agencies, not equally can do to avoid the much more pressing searches opponents; specializing in the use of weapons high potential war and use an armoured car park and the most improved technical means, certainly superior in quality and quantity to those they may have law enforcement. Damage to real life and fed guerrilla groups, organized not only for immediate shipments murderous, but also lookout for services, and rolling stock during operations and the movement of heads. "

A reality, that of feuds, which for the moment has been set aside by cosche. For some years it exists in the province reggina a sort of 'pax mafiosa' followed the ferocity of the war of mafia that in the years 1985/1991, left on the ground hundreds of deaths across the province.

Final considerations

The events above, so synthetic and schematic, highlighting how "the 'Ndrangheta has shown in Gioia Tauro - could safely say across the Plains - a great capacity for transformation and innovation of its operational modules: a structure Nothing criminal or archaic way back, but able to adapt to the times. She crossed the stage in decades of predatory and early twentieth century, that parasitic charges of lace, the more mature the negotiations for inclusion in contracts and subcontracts, that modern direct management, albeit masked by prestanome, of companies and enterprises "18.
These brief comments about some events happened in the Plains of Gioia Tauro in the Corsican approximately a century, have, for reasons of space, necessarily neglected other aspects (of the various trades cosche, war between families, etc..) While important.

In particular, there was the extraordinary ability to handle traffic in drugs cosche that some of the area (especially those gravitanti in Gioia Tauro-Rosarno-San Fernando) are showing the way, thanks also to use, consciously and effectively, the port of Gioia Tauro.

Finally, it should be noted the large number of municipalities that, in the Plains of Gioia Tauro, during the Corsican 90s, suffered measure dissolution of the Municipal Council for Mafia infiltration [Map 2] 19.

CONFISCATI GOODS IN FLAT FOR JOY TAURO

The law 109/96 is unique in its kind because it unites the repressive action to a draft civil law, allowing the handover to the local communities of goods that had first represented the strength and power of the Mafia.
The confiscation of assets of illicit training represents a new strategy of the State attack against organised crime. For some time, we recognize the need to support the repression of the military mafia intervention on economic resources or capital available to the Mafia. Repression, in fact, it is inadequate to the extent that the reserves of capital to allow cosche to replace those with other men arrested, replenish stores of weapons and explosives seized and have the resources to start again immediately interrupted by trafficking ' action of the security forces.
The impoverishment of capital Mafia is a contrast of great strategic value. Moreover, insofar as limited market access by Mafia enterprise, this act gets an additional effect in favour of legality: the restoration of that regime where free competition is fostered the development of sound economic energies .
But the 109/96 is not just a new repressive tool that the state has made available its forces. It 'a new form of prevention and together "to claim rights violated," thanks to which civil society can enhance their ethical and legal foundations and buy back what is legitimately due: in the law is, in fact, an' idea of society itself as a victim that must be compensated.
Prevention and compensation are made in the many forms of development that the social use of confiscated property offers the community. Transforming assets boss in social centres, schools and structures of solidarity, administrative offices, police headquarters and finally cooperative means to reaffirm the primacy of law and Democracy, create services and liveability, reduce the hardship and unemployment.
So, every time you carry the allocation of confiscated goods, the transaction has an aspect highly ethical and cultural, since the illegally accumulated wealth and returned, gives the added value of justice and "convenience dell'antimafia" .
For cosche this is the most painful aspect of the application and the effects of Law 109: "The social use of stolen assets to cosche" writes sociologist Sciarrone "has negative effects on the consensus of which [the Mafia] enjoy aims to sfaldare what for a long time was seen by many reasons as a model of success and that unfortunately in areas with a high concentration mafia continues to exert a strong power of attraction "20.
An overview

The province of Reggio Calabria is, after that of Palermo, the area with the greatest number of goods confiscati21. This, according to the findings provided dall'ormai former Office of the High Commissioner of the Government for goods confiscated, a huge heritage of land, houses, buildings, businesses, bank accounts, shares, vehicles of various kinds , etc.. Millions of euros that the state has managed to steal the 'ndrine reggine and whose use for social practice is the success of state in the fight against organised crime.
Part of this significant heritage is located in the Plains of Gioia Tauro. By analyzing the data [Table 1], prepared on the basis of the above mentioned 200322 and updated annually, can be seen as the presence of property confiscated numerous common interests of the Plains. The phenomenon affects mainly those municipalities where, historically, we find families mafia most aggressive and powerful grounds: Gioia Tauro, Oppido Mamertina, Cittanova just to name a few.
It appears evident that most of this capital is made up of real estate. And for this type of goods that more attention should be paid.

Soils

It is not without significance that begin deepening the Lands. Looking at the table, you can see the strength of this category are the 8223 land (the total in the province is 141) to 141 hectares, that figure is actually higher Whereas missing in the lists indicating reach for some land. So, their number is quite substantial and represents, in terms of extension, more than half the land confiscated in the province of Reggio Calabria. One thing that we could almost believe granted, given the strong agricultural vocation of the area, perhaps as a demonstration also ' "economy" cosche operating in the Plains, at least in part, reflects that vocation.

And 'can propose a different scheme [Table 2] compared to the previous year; land here were "grouped" taking into account certain criteria: geographical location, proximity of particles (this suggests a certain unity of some land reported separately) etc.. These criteria, while being based on a certain amount of discretion, may perhaps give a more realistic picture of the situation.

The largest number of land is located in the municipalities of Gioia Tauro and Oppido Mamertina (respectively 16 and 14). The town has the largest with 58 acres, 42% reach total land confiscated in the Plains of Gioia Tauro. In a joint Gioia Tauro, find confiscated an extension of 27 hectares (20% of total Piana). There are two municipalities that have an extension of land confiscated between 10 and 20 hectares: Palmi and Rizziconi. All other municipalities concerned have extensions of less than 10 hectares [Map 3].

This is, overall, land whose nature reflected in the characteristics of almost all are or citrus groves. Only someone is kind of crop. Worth noting that in some cases, however insignificant the total, the land is actually to use Building.

Other properties

Remarkable also Capital represented by other real estate. In Piana is about one third of apartments confiscated throughout the province (39 to 134) and about a quarter of Buildings Generic (11 to 46). We then 5 Rural Buildings (about 11 total), Ville 4 (out of a total provincial 6), and still 7 Commercial Premises, Local 4 Filing, 4 garage and a Shed. Of note also confiscation, which took place some years ago of a hotel Gioia Tauro already partly reused.

The status of property

Unfortunately, not always from the lists you can infer the state of good and that is if it is free or busy, and if so by whom. It is however no doubt that some property is still occupied by prevented by their relatives or third parties [Table 3 with graphics]. This is the case with several land located in the municipality of Oppido Mamertina (this is the land confiscated cosca Mammoliti). From showed that more than half reach above (141 hectares) is occupied by the family members of or prevented from third parties (it is precisely that enclose 16 land but well 80.94.79 hectares).
As for the land, including many of the other property are still occupied. Overall 36 are immovable property (excluding land) still occupied, out of a total of 77 (the 47%). In particular, appear to have villas, apartments and business premises to those whose membership is by invitation "give up" more difficult.

The destination of immovable property

We need to focus attention on another aspect relating to confiscated property, which has a certain relevance: the location of the buildings. Approximately 50% of the land is already allocated (40 lands precisely out of a total of 82). The subject recipient is always Comune24. Varia instead intended purpose:

�� municipal use (green public sports facilities, doghouses, etc.).

�� allocation to associations, cooperatives and social communities that operate in various sectors (elderly, the handicapped, children at risk, addicts); Other

�� destination (it is the case of Palmi land where you plan to build a park for observation of the flora and fauna heritage).

As for the rest of the buildings, the situation is as follows: the 77 buildings included in the list (thus excluding land), 21 are those already earmarked. Even in this case, the beneficiary is, almost always, the Municipality. Only two relatively goods find a different subject (ie the State). These are cases where the recipients are the weapon of the Carabinieri and the State Police (an apartment in Oppido and manufactured in Gioia Tauro). In other cases, namely those of municipal use, we find different uses:

�� centers and retirement homes for elderly

�� municipal offices or placing Facilities

�� space initiatives sociocultural

�� Leisure and athletes

Of note as all goods destined already are located in only five municipalities: Gioia Tauro, Oppido M., Palmi, Rizziconi, Rosarno.

Worth a mention also the status of these assets Of 21 intended, well 10 are still occupied by family members of or prevented from third parties. Nine of these assets are located in the town of Gioia Tauro, while the tenth is located in the town of Palmi.
The other eleven, that the lists are free, are so distributed: 6 in the town of Gioia Tauro (1 hotel, 'Euromotel already partly reused; 2 apartments; 1 building; 1 garage and 1 local commercial), in the municipality of 2 Rosarno (both manufactured rural); 1 in the municipality of Palmi (villa); 1 in the municipality of Rizziconi (an agricultural building), in 1 to Oppido Mamertina (an apartment).


Real estate broken family mafia

It might seem unnecessary work to break down assets on the basis of family prevented [Table 4]. But perhaps helps us to understand better, so certainly not exhaustive and with the limits that such work entails based on the findings only confiscated property, the geography of the Plains mafia families, their economic power and action of the security forces . The cosca Mammoliti is the one that has the largest number of confiscated property, in their heritage not really missing anything: there are about one hundred goods between furniture and buildings.

Of particular relevance consistency land: cosca this can be called a genuine "agrarian power" of the area, because the land confiscated in this historic family mafia of Oppido M. represent, in terms of extension, nearly 70% of the total reach confiscated in the Plains (it is about 95 hectares of land).
Even more significant is given on the location of the land (the same is true in reality also for other goods of cosca): next to those located in the territory of the municipality of origin, we find land in four other municipalities Piana: Gioia Tauro, Taurianova, Palmi and Varapodio, demonstration of the extraordinary ability to "expansion" of this cosca, which is accompanied by equally significant capacity to maintain relations with the most important cosche.

Absolutely foreground also the heritage of another historic cosca 'Ndrangheta reggina: that of Piromalli operating mainly in the area of Gioia Tauro. Again we find a substantial number of land (18) but with a much lower than the previous cosca. Remarkable however, for cosca gioiese this figure on current accounts and seized shares (18); also, as already mentioned above, cosca Piromalli was confiscated in 1997 a hotel complex value, according to estimates made by the Agency the Coast, € 1.032.913,80.
Many other families operating in the territory of Piana complete map of confiscated property. But it is consistency assets of less than the previous. To mention those family Auddino (operating mainly in Melicucco) and Albanian (town).

SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON WEIGHT OF MAFIA SITUATION IN LOCAL

One of the strengths of the Mafia is his unquestionable ability of intimidation, "it is a factor that works even when such capacity is not specifically deployed, simply because the concept well in anyone alive, and in some cases" hereditary " it can be deployed when it considers it convenient mafia "25. E 'therefore the notion of effectiveness sufficient coercive power mafioso to keep individuals in a state of continuous psychological subjection. Threats, bombings and assassinations are not always necessary, rather represent the extreme measure of a power that can influence the behavior of people even on the spur of its projection in the collective.

This aspect, as is common to all types of mafia, is not sufficient to make up at the bottom of the weight of peculiar 'ndrangheta in the Plains of Gioia Tauro.

To measure this weight must be taken into consideration two factors closely related: on the one hand the tendency of Mafia frame to the control of the territory in a transgenerational; secondly an advantageous position to enjoy on the territory of better prospects. The latter is crucial to understanding the roots in the High Plains of Gioia Tauro by organized crime.
The comparison between the interviews made in the area and residents belonging to different categories (managers, entrepreneurs, professionals, law enforcement officers, employees, social workers and cultural ministers of religion) has revealed that there is an environmental situation objectively for the Mafia.

The 'ndrangheta would have the best prospects in an area which respondents judged problematic regardless of the presence of organized crime. Problems because, in their view, have weighed and continue to weigh on the dynamics of development of various negative factors such as lack of infrastructure, entrepreneurial mentality retrograde, the brain drain, low quality of leadership, the credit system disadvantageous .
With this in mind it is difficult to make any plans for the future. Often, the only exception is that of the Mafia: the impasse consist of the issues brought into relief by respondents, in fact they represent a guarantee of a long stay, dominant in the territory of Plains.

The cosche enjoy a position of such that those who are honest businessmen growth problems, for them are real advantages are the strengths on which we Basa their roots in the territory.

Consider the first of these elements of developmental delay, lack of infrastructure, which affects primarily the roads. A gap is not always and not only due to insufficient public expenditure on infrastructure investments, but also, in no small measure, inefficiency of the same. In the territory, road connections have been implemented and are grown for local initiatives and functions, and subsequently took action to adjustments and changes. Everything happened but without following a plan and so today the internal road network has several elements penalised: tortuosity and dangerous roads, a lengthy journey, inadequate connections to the motorway. The Ionian Tirreno-is the only way to speed this area, but by itself is insufficient to resolve imbalances between coastal areas and inland centres.

But where even the most significant infrastructure deficit crisis is synonymous with growth, in the case of Porto, which still fails to interact with the inconvenient and stagnant hinterland of Plains, among other things, for the poor rail network el ' inadequate road links.

This handicap that creates inconvenience to businesses already operating in the area and constitutes an element braking for the integration Port-Piana, the contrary is a wonderful opportunity for the Mafia entrepreneur. The "demand" for infrastructure, in fact, represents a potential market for local cosche which have so far proved to have the means to Draining public money for the construction works and upgrading of infrastructure works

The most glaring example of malavitose infiltration in the area of procurement is that the port of Gioia Tauro. In this affair the cosche have ensured a considerable flow of funds, either through extortion against companies engaged in construction sites, and through participation in procurement, especially in subcontracting and supply contracts through companies owned by the boss, their relatives or prestanome.

But we can also mention the construction of Salerno - Reggio Calabria, who gave birth to a dizzying round of svežnjih and taglieggiamenti. "The highway was designed to break an old isolation of the region was used by the Calabrian Mafia healthy and to increase their power. This helped to the singular behavior of companies in the north which, even before starting work, and approached the capibastone discussed directly with them svežnjih be paid in exchange for protection, guardiania on construction sites, etc. "26.

There were the "great works" to enable the 'ndrangheta access to business size. "For example, in the mid-seventies entrepreneurs who had gone north to build the fifth steel center of Gioia Tauro in Calabria, offered to local cosche a bribe of 3 percent on all jobs. In order to be left in peace. But, as he writes Agostino Cordova in "De Stefano + 59", the three main cosche zone [Macrì, Piromalli and De Stefano] by mutual agreement would have rejected the proposal. Their interest was sure subcontracts directly, in order to incorporate their elements and control all economic activity. It was a passage of time: the opportunity allowed the Mafia reggina to transform itself from basically parasitic structure, subject entrepreneurial "27.

Just the 'ndrangheta entrepreneur has benefited from what has been identified by respondents as the second reason for lack of development: the presence of an entrepreneurial mentality retrograde. Because of this factor in the Plains are few companies with dynamic growth, while the rest of the production system seems to operate in a sort of unstable equilibrium (few capital, lack of diversification of funding channels, low level of access credit, controlled growth in turnover and containment of the level of investment). These companies, which represent the weak link of the whole system of production Piana, could become the real "gates" of organized crime in the legal system.

This strong action "recruitment" and "blackmail" it is even more worrying if we analyse the consequences of the brain drain: a phenomenon which marks another point in favour of the 'Ndrangheta.

Young people of Plains, especially good ones and better prepared, I am obliged to leave in order not to settle for a relentless dequalificazione or completely different roles than they had imagined. This brain drain has taken and continues to steal the territory is fundamental figures for the revival of economic activities and for the replacement of the ruling class. And 'unlikely that under these conditions the company notice can be stronger and more competitive in a system that seems to rely criminal instead of the best intelligence (Is not the old cliché of' ndranghetisti people backward?) And has not difficult to buy and trattenerle, can boast of offering great opportunities. Those words, among the best intelligence, are available all'illecito and violence still enjoying, thanks to the presence of the 'ndrangheta, great opportunities while others to take advantage of significant opportunities must also look for elsewhere.
The poor quality of leadership is an undeniable advantage for the cosche.
Certainly, a political class that, in some cases, work with a vision directed exclusively to private, which conceives it as a public market and favors in the name of faziosità and compromise can mystified reality, Humus is the ideal couple in which the perverse relationship between politics and mafia, made up of mutual benefit to the detriment of the collective interest of course. In this context, the Mafia is legitimacy, invisibility, impunity and expansive force, while civil society is found injured in their rights, disoriented, and increasingly filled with a sense of impotence and frustration. Consider, in this regard, the situation of entrepreneurs of the Plains, who complain of a lack of attention and insufficient support of the political class against them. It is not a negligible this problem, as the political class plays mainly in the role of allocating resources (national and Community). This problem does not exist for the Mafia entrepreneur, who through a formidable potential intimidation and capture consensus (granting favors) always manages to divest the weak links of class management, obtaining a solid support and a strong protection, and therefore adequate attention to their economic activities.

Another sore point for entrepreneurs of the Plains, and instead point of strength for the local boss, is the banking system. In Plains, as in the rest of Calabria, the cost of borrowing is higher than in other parts of the country also are required collateral requirements that, paradoxically, only the Mafia are able to produce. It 'easy to imagine the discontent of honest businessmen that banks apply, as they say the same entrepreneurs interviewed rates high.

A credit system that diverts potentially penalise customers to other financial sources, outside circuit Disclaimer: this will increase a market, one of wear, of which the 'Ndrangheta holds primacy. The mechanism allows obrabe cosche of doing business without loss, even if the contractor or dealer is unable to pay its debts. As the chairman of the FAI, Tano Grasso, "not worn that returns could become a" wooden head, "prestanome of cosca to manage and clean up dirty money and capital."
To complete the picture so far discouraging outlined, we must analyze the weight and importance that the familismo and individualism (recognised by respondents as the main negative values) could have in the demonstration of the thesis that the plan the 'ndrangheta has the best prospects thanks to those critical elements that the others are rather negates any prospect of development.

The familismo and individualism are elements that differ greatly from all other hitherto taken into consideration: first are not outside the 'ndrangheta, but are an important aspect of this organization (a contradiction that in reality is only apparent); secondly, the fact that both elements common to civil society as to the Plains' ndrangheta, explains how the latter can still enjoy a "hospitality environment".
The model familistico has a facility to maximise the benefits of the family and to apply the principles of trust and solidarity only by the narrow walls of the family circle. E 'was the sociologist Banfield to assume that at the South there is this ethos negative characteristic of southern families: an ethos that would prevent the process of building trust and co-operative relationship between actors from the whole community, which is the basis of economic growth and administrative.
And 'likely (Banfield thesis has been challenged by other scholars) in the Plains that the lack of cooperative relations at the economic level is attributable to familistici values, in particular to a mentality of mutual distrust, so it is difficult to see the convenience of build the company on a basis other than family.

What is certain, though, is that the familismo is not a problem, but rather a key to success for the organization Mafia is the guarantee of its cohesion and its impenetrable.
The structure of the 'ndrangheta is essentially based on the family, so much so that the same alliances between the mafia families are close through marriages. There is therefore a network of solidarity parental Familistiche and so hardline that the betrayal of affiliates are quite rare and the use of strategy of collaborators of justice by the police, often insurmountable obstacles.

A grid is not weakened by individualism that the 'ndrangheta has the ability to thrive in a context of cooperation. First individualism, for his public opposition to ethics, is a factor over which the Mafia association can leverage to expand its network of affiliates. Secondly, it may have a strong cooperative if its component of total impartiality is invested within the context of the Cold tasks criminals, and if the components of competition and antagonism are channelled to the outside and direct For example, against the security forces or the healthy forces of civil society.

Individualism instead remains a serious problem for the community of Piana, a brake on growth not only economic but also administrative and institutional beyond its connotations immorali28, individualism also economic forms (exaggerated sense of private property and resistance economic cooperation) and policies that result in a considerable degree of conflict to the point that "political groups believe more just damage opponents who spend energies to pursue the good of the community" 29.











Uomo d'onore - March 22, 2008 04:36 PM (GMT)
SECOND SECTION
THE PORT OF NEBBIE

"Then we are there, live there, we have a past, present and future…"
In Piana events of the port of Gioia Tauro plays a central role. Almost to prove that the plan, at least in the last thirty years, the hopes, for better or worse, necessarily pass through this infrastructure. Although in reality many consider a "foreign matter" compared to history and to the vocation of this territory.

We left in the'70s, a period which saw its birth linked to the setting up (later failed) fifth Center iron and steel. The find in the'90s when a courageous entrepreneur grasped the opportunity to do so 'reborn' and achieve profits not indifferenti30. A intuition, the latter, but it also belongs to those who, within the territory of Plains, roots and stable enormous power: consorterie mafia of Gioia Tauro, Rosarno and San Fernando (Piromalli-Molè, Fish, Bellocco). These cosche, also working on the basis of agreements in the years'92 and'93 […] with the same close had the President of Contship Italy Spa Ravano Angelo depending on the economic exploitation of the Port of Gioia Tauro "31, the latter deal condizionandone development and activities. And just where we need to start, from this (alleged) pact, to understand how it was possible that the 'Ndrangheta arrive before everyone, including the state. A mechanism, indeed, already experienced in the completion of the events fifth iron and steel center, which sees a great captain of industry (Angelo Ravano) that "on behalf of Contship deals with double status with the national institutions of democracy regional and local on the one hand and, on the other hand with organized crime of 'Ndrangheta Mafia and with the Piromalli and Pepè, with the powerful and arcinote families forever "32.
Almost want to anticipate the demands of cosche mafia, to recognize the inevitability of events and the need to 'manage' and not reluctantly.

While a large flow of public money was about to arrive, in the hope that this, Gioia Tauro, the time was good, cosche is preparing to occupy the port directly through their companies and their trustees. The mechanisms for prevention, if ever there were not funzionarono at all. Perhaps because, as effectively written by Enzo Ciconte, "was almost impossible theorized the presence of Mafia in the presence of an international company the size" 33.




The port deal

The business Porto can identify two major economic areas: on the one hand, the completion of port facilities civilians, in which the attention of the local mafia consorterie focuses on the phase of implementation and planning of the project managed by port (Industrial Development Area). Second, the agreement stipulated by the state program with the commitment by the SPA CONTISHP To make, with their funds, fully functional part of the port to be allocated to transhipment (loading and unloading of contaneirs), and with the cosche intending to seize a substantial share of related income. The activity of transhipment was left to a company called MEDCENTER.
At the heart of this complex project attempt to 'settle' the cosche the area. And with these contractors, initially a private entity and then the public authorities, will the accounts of the affair Harbour.

The pact

According to the hypothesis formulated by the judges, Angelo Ravano, when they decided to settle in Gioia Tauro, establishes a pact with Henry Paolillo, linked to Piromalli thanks to the marriage with the sister of Archangel Piromalli34. A covenant that not even the death of the two protagonists (Ravano and Paolillo), have put into question. And in fact, after the death of two cosche an emissary of the entrepreneur Dominic Pepè, will contact the CEO of Contiship Italy, Walter Lugli, demanding compliance with the agreements dall'ormai deceased Ravano. More precisely, it claims to the payment of a dollar and a half Sbarcato35 for each container. But this serious episode is also significant for another aspect that goes far beyond estorsiva request. These are interesting words Pepè, who, urged by concerns Lugli, very explicit power and the organization of cosche of Gioia Tauro, Rosarno and San Fernando (even if that country actually suffers the influences of the first two). To this end, it is useful to reflect a significant step of the discourse between the two characters:

Nell'indicato meeting of 11 November 1996 did not Pepè mystery, as already noted, its membership of a Mafia consorteria, telling Lugli: "I do… ensuring Piana… Piana means you where you are, the whole district, can not be one of Catanzaro to say, what are you doing?, there is this. " A Lugli that ribatteva: "No, what worries me less of Catanzaro, concerns me most important family of San Fernando, the family of Gioia Tauro important, the family Rosarno important than who their… their territories to defend and … "Pepè replied:" I am here for everyone!… "36.

So Pepè gives assurance that the acceptance of the request would have involved estorsiva the absolute safety of not having to suffer hassle by others. Moreover, the payment of 1.5 dollars per container (50% of profits), could have been behind the creation of a round of inflated invoices (of course issued by companies operating in the area and controlled by mafia cosche ), and that in order to meet the difficulties of Contiship that otherwise would not have been able to justify the disbursements. So a project estorsivo not exclusively parasitical but instead seems to glimpse the active participation of businesses mafia. He had to declare Walter Lugli later on the request estorsiva of cosche: "Our goal was to take time. Then lower claims. But in the end I believe that we paid. "
"... We believe the logical and fair"
"Our request is that every, every container there is something for us .... We believe logical and just. "E 'Pepè always talking. The cosche the area, having understood that the development of the port was an extraordinary opportunity to make profits, which claim that their law was recognized. And, as if to justify requests estorsive with tones apparently 'vittimistici', the entrepreneur-Mafia exclaims: "there is now five years waiting, looking, waiting for this development and we are gearing to heart that there is, it is not that .. That .. We arrived just arrived ... "" ... we came across .....» «.... we put our hands on him ....»".
Not only extortion As mentioned, the story of the port is actually very complex. It was not in fact a simple attempt at extortion. There seems to be much more. As the imposition inside the port, businesses or controlled by cosche. For example, the Babel Publi-Service, Inc., which belongs to Piromalli Joseph estromette the company that previously made the service transporting workers to and from the port of Gioia Tauro.

And yet very significant events of MARIBA, the cooperative that operated inside the port much of handling containers (plus a host of other related activities). The MARIBA abnormal had taken a position of privilege within the port. Controllava also the recruitment of workers, obviously favouring people "recommended by friends." A monopoly that agreed not to question because, as stated by some entrepreneurs, "people of MARIBA…. People are bad character ".

Complicità and inefficiencies

An important part of the cosche also focuses on the so-called Masterplan, the document prepared by the government (sounds directly by the premier Romano Prodi), in order to determine and direct the planning and development of the area. A species Land use plan of the port and areas close to the latter. That the Masterplan is a story that reveals a number of considerable bureaucratic inefficiencies which added the inevitable complicity of those subjects who favoured the Mafia infiltration in the area. And so, who should at least ensure respect of such infiltrations, such as ASI, left field instead Free cosche. It is no coincidence that, as alleged in the Commission's report on anti-crime in Calabria, the report adopted in July 2000, the Masterplan has undergone several changes in the various drafts, it bears the signs of various influences, including the Mafia.
CORDOPATRI

That Cordopatri, Baron is a symbolic story of the Plains of Gioia Tauro. It is as an object of the dispute, if I may say, is the ownership of land, olive groves secular representing the symbol par excellence of the Plains.

The Cordopatri of Capece are an ancient and noble family. Among their possessions there are some olive trees near Castellace, a fraction of Oppido Mamertina, the clan feud uncontested Mammoliti. I Mammoliti, having argued in the'50s a clash with Barbaro, will become one of the most powerful mafia families of the Plains. Their power, in the first phase of their 'kingdom,' will be based primarily about the land and control of the oil market. The lands of Cordopatri can not escape this rule. And so beginning in the early'60s the agony of the family of Baron Domenico Cordopatri, father of that Tonino Cordopatri that, in 1991, will pay with their lives for its strong resistance to trentennali claims of Mammoliti.
Thirty years in which the Castellace cosca to try in every way to steal the land Cordopatri, as did many other landowners. The Carabinieri ensure that Mammoliti seized all the properties adjacent ones of the family Cordopatri. The consorteria mafia, "exploiting the ability intimidatrice that is proper, would accaparrata land in the area, with negotiations apparently legitimate forms but, in reality, the result of systematic extortion perpetrated" 37.

In fact, since July 31, 1972, when Tonino Cordopatri was the subject of an attack a few kilometers from its lands Castellace, to the family of Baron "will no longer be allowed by the Mafia set foot in their property" 38 (this up nearly half of the 90s). A "implacable siege" that the cosca Mammoliti against Cordopatri, made up of warnings, death threats, attacks and anything could somehow convince the noble family to divest those lands.

But the long and tenacious opposition from the Cordopatri represented an affront that the 'Ndrangheta of the place could not accept passively. Quell'acquisizione represents for the cosca, "a tangible sign up and social prestige of the family, the search for a" condition of privilege, once the preserve of the landed aristocracy and bourgeoisie agrarian. " So, not (or not only better) 'conquest' of the land as a factor of production of illicit profit, but even (perhaps especially) conquest of the earth as a symbol of a further 'alleged' honour that no one should put discussione39. Not otherwise explain the firm determination of Mammoliti leading up to the extreme this tug-of-war, even when we are already on the threshold of the 90s, will be other illegal business run by their clans, business much more profitable exploitation of land (one for all, drug trafficking).

On 10 July 1991 three gunmen killed the Baron Antonio Cordopatri while preparing, along with her sister Teresa, out of his home in Reggio Calabria. The killer, Salvatore Larosa, will be immediately identified and arrested. The murder is a foregone conclusion to a story that trascinava, as I said, for about three decades. The courageous decision to help the police by Teresa Cordopatri will light on these three decades of injustice suffered by his family by the cosca Mammoliti. And so we can start to the investigation that will significantly by the Carabinieri called 'Peace between the olive trees'. The operation will bring in prison on 31 August 1992, Saro Mammoliti with its 35 members. In the process of First Instance, which ended in May 1995, Francis Mammoliti will be sentenced to life in prison, his brother Saro 22 years, there will be other lower penalties for affiliates. The killers of Tonino Cordopatri, Salvatore Larosa, sentenced to life in prison in the first instance, will decrease the penalty on appeal to 25 years.

A CASE OF SIGNIFICANTLY ALLOCATION: EUROMOTEL
One of the most significant cases of the law 109 in the Piana, is without doubt that of all ' "Euromotel" Gioia Tauro: a symbolic affair for the vicissitudes suffered from well before its actual conversion for social and cultural purposes.
The building, composed of Motel with restaurant, bar and a small market, located in Morrone locations along the Highway 111, was abducted from the family Piromalli Court of Reggio Calabria on March 27, 1984. The value of the property goes far beyond its asset turnover (estimated to 1.032.913,80 in 1997) because it represents one of the symbols of cosca most influential of the whole area.
The seizure occurs with the sharp contrast of mafia families who do not hesitate to use intimidation methods, as proof of how the control of the territory by the cosche it clashes violently with confiscation of property.
Before the final confiscation (7/4/1994) spend ten years, plus another five during which the property, acquired by land, remains without a destination. Only on March 23, 1999, by decree of the Ministry of Finance, Euromotel becomes unavailable heritage of the Town (delivery date: 7/4/99), which plans to turn it into a centre for higher education professional.

But when the council must ratify the draft, "several councillors, including some of the majority, as an excuse claiming health reasons certified by serious medical or family reasons, trying to bring down the Junta resigning. There can for a Council of State "40.

The administrative instability combines with the attack moved to the Commission through the antimafia lawsuit against President Del Turkish, which had "offended the reputation" greeting to the confiscation cosche and destination dell'Euromotel social and looked, about resignation of councillors, as could be, perhaps, that It was a "coincidence" but that "Gioia Tauro is not the" case "to decide the Corsican things" 41.

After two years, you come to laboriously stage of the renovation of the building which need to be converted, but no company is the race despite the contract provides for a fund of about 600 million made available by Ministry of Finance. The day of expiry of the notice (March 9, 2001) Euromotel is the subject of an arsonist attack that causes serious damage to the stable.

The message launched by intimidating cosca was already clear when no company had the courage to submit bids for the renovation of the hotel. With arson, which wants to reiterate the character of "intoccabilità" correctly, it gives the institutions and citizenship signal a further, more worrying, control of the territory.

However, the opposition to power mafioso triggered by the confiscation of the property and its location relative, continues in fatal and so is a second call for tenders for the renovation of the hotel: the work is completed at the end under ' current administration and the inauguration of the new facility on January 28, 2003.

Most of the building has become the headquarters of CEFRIS, Center for Training, Research, Technological Innovation and Development: a sort of high-school post in the university sector. Part of the property will be transformed in auditorium, but others still need funding to recover completely motionless.
RESULTS OF QUESTIONS

All interviewees was proposed at the end of the interview, a sort of questionnaire whose purpose was to explore the perception that the same respondents had the intensity of Mafia presence in thirty municipalities Plains of Gioia Tauro. That perception that often arises from simple reading a newspaper or by an exchange of views between people on the facts and incidents that occur daily in the territory. It is therefore a 'survey', if I can call it that does not want to have any claim to match the actual reality of the facts.

The interview was available for each municipality, each four possibilities marked by a number from 0 to 3. It went by so minimum value (0) which corresponded to "no presence" in that town, the maximum value (3) that corresponded instead to a "historical presence consolidated with significant weight on socio-economic affairs of the country and possibly with a capacity projection all 'external ". The two remaining values are then placed in position: (1) value corresponded to "presence without significant weight" and the value (2) a "presence with significant weight in the history of the country."
The results arising from the sum of the questionnaires reveal interesting data and, ultimately, moderate net. It should be pointed out that only on thirty persons to whom it was submitted, six were rejected, with different motivations, fill in the questionnaire. In some cases, duly reported in the table summarizes the results [Table 5], some of those polled said part (in this case, that assessment is expressed in the column sg). Based on the sum of scores achieved by each municipality, one can reconstruct a map of the area that highlights the "collective judgement" (or at least a trend) on the weight of organized crime in the Plains of Gioia Tauro [Map 4].

The town where, in the collective imagination of our respondents are more aggressive and present cosche projection with the same outside, Gioia Tauro. All respondents attributed to consorterie mafia of this city the maximum value (3). Later, a town very close to the first from a geographical point of view: Rosarno. Then again, in this particular standings, Seminara, Taurianova, Oppido M., Rizziconi, Cittanova, Sinopoli, San Fernando and Palmi. Note that this is the larger municipalities, those where there is a certain dynamism and economic locations that are many services located in the Plains. Or, as in the case of Sinopoli, have always seen the presence of cosche aggressive.

The municipalities considered more 'quiet', according to the opinion of our respondents, are: Feroleto of the Church of St. Peter Charity, Maropati, Serrata, Giffone, Galatro, Newfoundland Minulio Sappo. Here the view is opposite to that made little above. In this case we are dealing with small towns, often marginalized from the economic point of view.

An analysis of the results reported in the table, you can see how in some cases the opinion of those interviewed was almost unanimous or (especially in the case of municipalities that are among the leaders). In most cases, however, has fluctuated between two opposites. I am well 19 (on 33) municipalities that have received all four values proposed in the questionnaire.


Uomo d'onore - March 22, 2008 04:39 PM (GMT)
SECTION THREE

NOTES ON 'NDRANGHETA

The name. The thesis credited more to the meaning of the word 'Ndrangheta appears to be that of the Greek derivation of the name: andragathos indicate the brave and courageous man. It must be said that not everyone agrees with this origin. Xavier Di Bella says that the name "indicates one of the ways that, in some areas of Calabria, accompanied with the beat of hands, some pictures of Tarantella namely:

'ndrangheta and' ndrà. The 'ndranghetisti are namely "men identified as dancers without substance, almost buffoons, compared to the old men of honor who feel offended from being assimilated to' ndranghetisti". Apart interpretations of the term (see that the two etimologie above are absolutely contrary) it must be said that the term 'Ndrangheta has said only in recent decades, indicating the phenomenon of mafia operating in Calabria (next to the Sicilian Cosa Nostra , the Neapolitan Camorra and the last in order of time, the Sacra Corona Unita Puglia).

The legend. Bone, Mastrosso and Carcagnosso are the names of three Spanish riders, belonged to an association chivalry founded in Toledo in 1412, which brought in the south of Italy rules and methods used by Garduna (the name of this Spanish). It seems that the three riders have worked for 29 years in "the bowels" of the earth, namely the island of Favignana, home to a prison Bourbon; at the end of this long work spread the social rules of what would become the Mafia in Sicily the Camorra in Campania and the 'Ndrangheta in Calabria. A legend which has served to create a myth, to ennoble the ascendency, to be a sort of family tree with lots of ancestors.

The origins. The judgments of certain processes celebrated after the Unification of Italy show that in the early decades after 1861 the 'ndrangheta in Calabria was present and active with all its basic features: the secrecy, silence, murderous violence, connecting with the public authorities, etc.. An old phenomenon then.

The territory of origin. Also the court documents allow us to identify areas for the election of the phenomenon since its birth. The cliché has, until recently, considered the 'Ndrangheta only as a phenomenon of rural nature. It is no coincidence that the Aspromonte was always considered the symbol of the presence 'ndranghetista. And instead you find that (both clear mountain next to reggina) even other parts of Calabria were affected by the phenomenon from since. And it's not only mountainous areas or rural centres. There are cities like Reggio Calabria, Cosenza and Catanzaro. And even smaller but still important geographically and economically: Crotone, Cittanova, Monteleone, Polistena, Palmi.

The structure. The basic structure of 'Nrangheta is' ndrina (or cosca), autonomous organization within its own territory, with an internal structure of hierarchical. The 'ndrina is rooted in a town or a city district. In a town there might be more 'ndrine, in which case they are part of a' local '. The 'local' of 'Ndrangheta can be defined as a portion of territory in which at least forty-nine members present and active, demanding control of the same criminal je lahko ensure order delinquent mafioso (Salvatore Boemi).

The heart of 'ndrina consists mainly by the family of blood, that is,' capobastone 'which are associated normally subordinate position, other families. What binds these clubs is almost always the family bond. An element of this absolute importance, which helps us to explain why certain phenomena, such as that of employees of Justice, have struck a greater degree than the Sicilian Mafia compared to the Calabrian crime. So, what in the past was considered an element of weakness linked to a tribal and archaic system, namely the structure of the family of blood, was actually a factor

Enabled the 'Ndrangheta strong roots in the territory and greater water compared to offensive of the State.

The horizontal trim. The broad autonomy which has the 'ndrina (acting as said in a territory usually well-delimited) defines one of the main differences between the' Ndrangheta and Cosa Nostra: horizontal structure compared to the first significant hierarchy, or if you prefer to verticality , the second. Nearly a "federation" of the 'Ndrangheta. This course is not to mean that there are no differences of "prestige" between the various' ndrine differences arising from reputation, the military power, political and economic weight of each cosca, etc.. For example, we recognized some 'local' prestige that puts you in a unique position. This is the case of St. Luke, considered "The Mother", namely the 'local' guardian of the rules and traditions mafia, a kind of 'moral authority' of all 'ndrine. This recognition of "local primary" is also linked to the fact that, as stated by some repentant, "since the times was the Shrine of cuffs place of the annual meeting of members. This meeting is held annually in September in conjunction with the feast of the patron Madonna kept at the Shrine of that place; to these meetings all the representatives of "local" all over the country and sometimes even "local" open abroad. "

This development does not seem to be horizontal failed even with the innovations made after the end of the second war Mafia (1989/1991), which insanguinò especially the city of Reggio Calabria. At that moment it is possible to trace a major change: the creation of so-called 'mandamenti' (ie Centre Reggio, and Tirrenico Jonico). Even more significant is the attempt to create a structure of command and liaison between the heads of major Calabrian mafia families. A similar, but not identical, to the 'Commission' of Cosa Nostra. A permanent body not only had to decide matters of considerable rilevanza42.

Relationship with politics. "There would have been a 'Ndrangheta so strong without the complicity of corrupt politicians and professionals masonry diverted. The declaration of a collaborator of Justice confirms that the 'Ndrangheta has done, and politics, with different ways and methods over time. If initially was limited mainly to collect the votes for this or that candidate (in the classical logic of Votic exchange), for some 'time now it's often the first person in institutions, electing their own representatives. As Conrad wrote Stajano "the mafia vote itself." This trend manifests itself strongly from the end of the 70s and beginning of the 80s. Exemplary in this regard the matter Limbadi in 1983, in the town today in the province of Vibo V., won municipal elections Francesco Mancuso, the boss hiding (on that occasion the President Pertini immediately dissolved the City Council). In fact several incidents that demonstrate the extraordinary skills and the remarkable total impartiality with which the 'ndrine have occupied and dealing, directly or indirectly, the "land policy", weaving textures on it made of connivance and cohabitation. Infiltrations mafia that often have no fences or ideological and party affiliations. Done, he easily found through data, absolutely alarming, concerning the dissolution of the Municipal Councils in Calabria. A well-known reality that the guilty contiguity. And if people think that this is a relationship built only recently, it is perhaps useful to recall the words of a Calabrian magistrate,


Antonino Filastò:
[…] Me just note in the great influence of psychological contagion of criminal guilt and show how much have the rulers of the public who do not know or do not want to adopt remedies that could eradicate from our regions the old gangrene of organized crime .

[…] If you add to all this the network intricatissima ties of kinship and electoral interests around the mob as we understand it alive, grow and prosper undisturbed.
These words, of extraordinary news, are contained in an article published in the "Journal of Messina. It was on 12 October 1906.
The unresponsiveness to the murders excellent. The 'ndrangheta has always been refractory to use strategies that behave murders excellent. This does not mean that there have been exceptions to this rule. This is the case for example of Lodovico Ligato, leading the DC reggina, former president of the Ferrovie dello Stato (the murder occurred in August 1989). Or the murder, in the summer of 1991, Judge Antonino Scopelliti. But this is precisely exceptions. The choice of Calabrian crime, even in times of strong opposition to the state has always been to keep the bass, not to make too much noise with assassinations and massacres against striking men and equipment status (choosing instead adopted, certain historical phases, from Cosa Nostra).
In that regard, appear meaningful words of a colleague of Justice, Francis Pino, strategies preferred by cosche Calabrian: "In Calabria we have always preferred delegittimizzare judges uncomfortable and not make noise.

The great transformation: the entrepreneurial capacity. There is no doubt that in Calabria one of the most dynamic war has been represented by its' Ndrangheta, the underdevelopment of the region, has benefited for intrusive and irresistible development. For a criminal organisation who lived mainly brokerage, the seventies brought substantial changes: no longer seeking mediation but ferocious and unbridled accumulation. It was the season in which the mob organized Calabrian conquered, mitre in hand, huge economic spaces investing profits in paralegali activities. Season where the 'Ndrangheta suddenly discovered a vocation irrepressible entrepreneurship, following on from the capital accumulated with cigarette smuggling, extortion planned, with the profitable industry kidnappings, real specialty of the people of Aspromonte up to big business linked to cartels and interested responsible for international traffic in arms and drugs. Was born then what Arlacchi called the "mafia entrepreneur." It 'good to clarify that this is not a simple matter of greed. The same Arlacchi writes that "berthing towards entrepreneurship has meant taking the culture of success and power in its fullest sense. It is the pursuit of power, not the thirst for profit that characterizes, in the final analysis, the mafioso entrepreneur. "

The territorial expansion. That the 'Ndrangheta Mafia is the organization stronger presence in regions of the centre-north of Italy is now a common ground. Valle d'Aosta, Piedmont, Lombardy, Trentino A. A., Veneto, Emilia R., Liguria, Tuscany, Umbria, Lazio: all regions where, with degrees in varying degrees, are branches (in some cases this is true 'local') cosche Calabria. Gestiscono drug trafficking and arms control racket dell'estorsioni, handlers wear, etc.. In some cases also come to influence the political and administrative life of the community. Exemplary in this regard the matter Bardonecchia, the town of Val di Susa (California) Municipal Council which was dissolved in 1995, mafiose43 infiltration.
This without neglecting reports that the 'Ndrangheta engaging with other consorterie criminals operating in southern Italy. With the Sacra Corona Unita relations are now known anni44. The same Sicilian Mafia has repeatedly served the 'Ndrangheta for supplies of drugs, the market in which the' Ndrangheta has a predominant role through its control of numerous national and international routes (especially with Colombia).

Currently, the 'Ndrangheta is the most powerful mafias nostrane. A primacy derived mainly from extraordinary internal cohesion of the organization and its strong ability to control territory. The report by the Parliamentary Anti-Mafia Commission July 2003 also shows the great versatility of the 'Ndrangheta: "Enormous are its interests ranging from property investment money laundering, and from the sale of arms and diamonds at the disposal of toxic or radioactive waste from large triangular trade trafficking in drugs, control of lawful activities undertaken with the proceeds of illegal activities. "
Beside this there was the increasing international dimension of the Calabrian Mafia. Branches of the 'Ndrangheta are reported in France, Germany, Netherlands, United States, Belgium, Spain, Argentina, Venezuela, but also in Canada and Australia.

x-man - March 22, 2008 09:55 PM (GMT)
I don't think it's the 2008 report...am i wrong?


x-man

Gianni - March 25, 2008 02:06 AM (GMT)
Yes,
Mafia Brotherhoods
Good One




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